V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion

Building on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional...

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Autor: Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106
Tipo de recurso: artículo
Fecha de publicación:2025
País:España
Institución:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
Repositorio:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
Idioma:inglés
OAI Identifier:oai:ddd.uab.cat:317446
Acceso en línea:https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516
Access Level:acceso abierto
Palabra clave:Clitics
Agreement
Tense
Interfaces
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spelling V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversionRubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106CliticsAgreementTenseInterfacesBuilding on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional subject clitic specific functional heads and varying height of head-movement. Instead, it proposes that subject clitics depend on standard Agree, and that they are a consequence of an extra uφ ("agreement doubling") beyond the one inherited from C. Inversion in interrogatives is purely syntactic, and follows from strictly cyclic head-movement of V up to C. These two separate uφs underlie the distinct patterns of syncretisms and gaps in paradigms for verbal agreement suffixes and subject clitics in particular grammars, and for generalizations among them. Furthermore, gaps in a paradigm of subject clitics, like gaps in an agreement paradigm, do not imply a lack of Agree, but only a lack of overt exponents. Independently motivated syntactic mechanisms thus feed independently motivated morphological mechanisms. The syntax determines word/morpheme order, while morphophonology determines their realization. 22025-01-0120252025-01-01Articlehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501VoRhttp://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85info:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UABinstname:Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaInglésengopen accesshttp://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:ddd.uab.cat:3174462026-06-06T12:50:31Z
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
title V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
spellingShingle V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106
Clitics
Agreement
Tense
Interfaces
title_short V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
title_full V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
title_fullStr V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
title_full_unstemmed V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
title_sort V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106
author Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106
author_facet Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106
author_role author
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv Clitics
Agreement
Tense
Interfaces
topic Clitics
Agreement
Tense
Interfaces
description Building on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional subject clitic specific functional heads and varying height of head-movement. Instead, it proposes that subject clitics depend on standard Agree, and that they are a consequence of an extra uφ ("agreement doubling") beyond the one inherited from C. Inversion in interrogatives is purely syntactic, and follows from strictly cyclic head-movement of V up to C. These two separate uφs underlie the distinct patterns of syncretisms and gaps in paradigms for verbal agreement suffixes and subject clitics in particular grammars, and for generalizations among them. Furthermore, gaps in a paradigm of subject clitics, like gaps in an agreement paradigm, do not imply a lack of Agree, but only a lack of overt exponents. Independently motivated syntactic mechanisms thus feed independently motivated morphological mechanisms. The syntax determines word/morpheme order, while morphophonology determines their realization.
publishDate 2025
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2
2025-01-01
2025
2025-01-01
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv Article
http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
VoR
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dc.type.openaire.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516
url https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv Inglés
eng
language_invalid_str_mv Inglés
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dc.source.none.fl_str_mv reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
instname:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
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