V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion
Building on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional...
| Autor: | |
|---|---|
| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2025 |
| País: | España |
| Institución: | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
| Repositorio: | Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB |
| Idioma: | inglés |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ddd.uab.cat:317446 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | Clitics Agreement Tense Interfaces |
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V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversionRubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106CliticsAgreementTenseInterfacesBuilding on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional subject clitic specific functional heads and varying height of head-movement. Instead, it proposes that subject clitics depend on standard Agree, and that they are a consequence of an extra uφ ("agreement doubling") beyond the one inherited from C. Inversion in interrogatives is purely syntactic, and follows from strictly cyclic head-movement of V up to C. These two separate uφs underlie the distinct patterns of syncretisms and gaps in paradigms for verbal agreement suffixes and subject clitics in particular grammars, and for generalizations among them. Furthermore, gaps in a paradigm of subject clitics, like gaps in an agreement paradigm, do not imply a lack of Agree, but only a lack of overt exponents. Independently motivated syntactic mechanisms thus feed independently motivated morphological mechanisms. The syntax determines word/morpheme order, while morphophonology determines their realization. 22025-01-0120252025-01-01Articlehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501VoRhttp://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85info:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UABinstname:Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaInglésengopen accesshttp://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:ddd.uab.cat:3174462026-06-06T12:50:31Z |
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| title |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| spellingShingle |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106 Clitics Agreement Tense Interfaces |
| title_short |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| title_full |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| title_fullStr |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| title_full_unstemmed |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| title_sort |
V-Movement, subject clitics, and inversion |
| dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106 |
| author |
Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106 |
| author_facet |
Rubin, Edward|||0000-0002-7267-4106 |
| author_role |
author |
| dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
Clitics Agreement Tense Interfaces |
| topic |
Clitics Agreement Tense Interfaces |
| description |
Building on new evidence from Bolognese, this paper proposes an account for the appearance and distribution of φ-related subject clitics both within and among Gallo-Italic grammars that relies only on independently motivated mechanisms. It notes problems for previous accounts that include additional subject clitic specific functional heads and varying height of head-movement. Instead, it proposes that subject clitics depend on standard Agree, and that they are a consequence of an extra uφ ("agreement doubling") beyond the one inherited from C. Inversion in interrogatives is purely syntactic, and follows from strictly cyclic head-movement of V up to C. These two separate uφs underlie the distinct patterns of syncretisms and gaps in paradigms for verbal agreement suffixes and subject clitics in particular grammars, and for generalizations among them. Furthermore, gaps in a paradigm of subject clitics, like gaps in an agreement paradigm, do not imply a lack of Agree, but only a lack of overt exponents. Independently motivated syntactic mechanisms thus feed independently motivated morphological mechanisms. The syntax determines word/morpheme order, while morphophonology determines their realization. |
| publishDate |
2025 |
| dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2 2025-01-01 2025 2025-01-01 |
| dc.type.none.fl_str_mv |
Article http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 VoR http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/article |
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article |
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https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516 |
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https://ddd.uab.cat/record/317446 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.516 |
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Inglés eng |
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Inglés |
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eng |
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open access http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess |
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open access http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
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openAccess |
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application/pdf |
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reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB instname:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
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Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
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