Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish

Perception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literall...

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Autores: Carranza, Fernando Martín, Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438
Tipo de documento: artigo
Data de publicação:2023
País:España
Recursos:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
Repositório:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
Idioma:inglês
OAI Identifier:oai:ddd.uab.cat:286401
Acesso em linha:https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353
Access Level:Acceso aberto
Palavra-chave:Embedding
Perception verbs
Obviation
Spanish
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spelling Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in SpanishCarranza, Fernando MartínZdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438EmbeddingPerception verbsObviationSpanishPerception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literally 'Ana saw John that he fell', with the meaning of 'Ana saw John falling'). If the verb combines with a pseudo-relative, its passivization is no longer possible (*Juan fue visto que se caía, literally John was seen that he fell). In this paper, we contend that this pattern is due to an obviation effect. This explains not only the behavior of these verbs regarding passivization, but also the fact that reflexive and passive se with pseudo-relatives also leads to ungrammatical results. We conjecture that this obviation effect may be related to a defectiveness of the embedded complementizer. We draw a possible analysis for this behavior in terms of an anti-logophoric operator in the periphery of the pseudo-relative. 22023-01-0120232023-01-01Articlehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501VoRhttp://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85info:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UABinstname:Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaInglésengopen accesshttp://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:ddd.uab.cat:2864012026-06-06T12:50:31Z
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
title Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
spellingShingle Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
Carranza, Fernando Martín
Embedding
Perception verbs
Obviation
Spanish
title_short Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
title_full Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
title_fullStr Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
title_full_unstemmed Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
title_sort Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv Carranza, Fernando Martín
Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438
author Carranza, Fernando Martín
author_facet Carranza, Fernando Martín
Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438
author_role author
author2 Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438
author2_role author
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv Embedding
Perception verbs
Obviation
Spanish
topic Embedding
Perception verbs
Obviation
Spanish
description Perception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literally 'Ana saw John that he fell', with the meaning of 'Ana saw John falling'). If the verb combines with a pseudo-relative, its passivization is no longer possible (*Juan fue visto que se caía, literally John was seen that he fell). In this paper, we contend that this pattern is due to an obviation effect. This explains not only the behavior of these verbs regarding passivization, but also the fact that reflexive and passive se with pseudo-relatives also leads to ungrammatical results. We conjecture that this obviation effect may be related to a defectiveness of the embedded complementizer. We draw a possible analysis for this behavior in terms of an anti-logophoric operator in the periphery of the pseudo-relative.
publishDate 2023
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2
2023-01-01
2023
2023-01-01
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv Article
http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
VoR
http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85
dc.type.openaire.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/article
format article
dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353
url https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv Inglés
eng
language_invalid_str_mv Inglés
language eng
dc.rights.none.fl_str_mv open access
http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
dc.rights.openaire.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
rights_invalid_str_mv open access
http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv application/pdf
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
instname:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
instname_str Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
reponame_str Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
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