Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish
Perception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literall...
| Autores: | , |
|---|---|
| Tipo de documento: | artigo |
| Data de publicação: | 2023 |
| País: | España |
| Recursos: | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
| Repositório: | Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB |
| Idioma: | inglês |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ddd.uab.cat:286401 |
| Acesso em linha: | https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353 |
| Access Level: | Acceso aberto |
| Palavra-chave: | Embedding Perception verbs Obviation Spanish |
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Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in SpanishCarranza, Fernando MartínZdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438EmbeddingPerception verbsObviationSpanishPerception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literally 'Ana saw John that he fell', with the meaning of 'Ana saw John falling'). If the verb combines with a pseudo-relative, its passivization is no longer possible (*Juan fue visto que se caía, literally John was seen that he fell). In this paper, we contend that this pattern is due to an obviation effect. This explains not only the behavior of these verbs regarding passivization, but also the fact that reflexive and passive se with pseudo-relatives also leads to ungrammatical results. We conjecture that this obviation effect may be related to a defectiveness of the embedded complementizer. We draw a possible analysis for this behavior in terms of an anti-logophoric operator in the periphery of the pseudo-relative. 22023-01-0120232023-01-01Articlehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501VoRhttp://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85info:eu-repo/semantics/articleapplication/pdfhttps://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353reponame:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UABinstname:Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaInglésengopen accesshttp://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:ddd.uab.cat:2864012026-06-06T12:50:31Z |
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| title |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| spellingShingle |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish Carranza, Fernando Martín Embedding Perception verbs Obviation Spanish |
| title_short |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| title_full |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| title_fullStr |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| title_sort |
Passivization and pseudo-relatives with perception verbs in Spanish |
| dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Carranza, Fernando Martín Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438 |
| author |
Carranza, Fernando Martín |
| author_facet |
Carranza, Fernando Martín Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438 |
| author_role |
author |
| author2 |
Zdrojewski, Pablo|||0000-0003-2462-5438 |
| author2_role |
author |
| dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
Embedding Perception verbs Obviation Spanish |
| topic |
Embedding Perception verbs Obviation Spanish |
| description |
Perception verbs in Spanish (e.g. ver, 'to see'; oír, 'to hear') can combine simultaneously with a direct object and different kinds of clausal modifiers. One of these are pseudo-relative clauses (e.g. que se caía, 'that he fell', in Ana vio a Juan que se caía, literally 'Ana saw John that he fell', with the meaning of 'Ana saw John falling'). If the verb combines with a pseudo-relative, its passivization is no longer possible (*Juan fue visto que se caía, literally John was seen that he fell). In this paper, we contend that this pattern is due to an obviation effect. This explains not only the behavior of these verbs regarding passivization, but also the fact that reflexive and passive se with pseudo-relatives also leads to ungrammatical results. We conjecture that this obviation effect may be related to a defectiveness of the embedded complementizer. We draw a possible analysis for this behavior in terms of an anti-logophoric operator in the periphery of the pseudo-relative. |
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2023 |
| dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2 2023-01-01 2023 2023-01-01 |
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Article http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 VoR http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/article |
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article |
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https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353 |
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https://ddd.uab.cat/record/286401 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/isogloss.353 |
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Inglés eng |
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Inglés |
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eng |
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open access http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess |
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open access http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
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openAccess |
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