On the distribution and interpretation of voice in Greek anticausatives

This paper provides experimental evidence in support of the view that Greek does not have three productive morphological classes of anticausative verbs, but only two: the class of verbs that bear non-active voice morphology and the class of verbs that are morphologically active. Across two experimen...

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Detalhes bibliográficos
Autores: Tsiakmakis, Evripidis|||0000-0001-6799-7894, Borràs Comes, Joan Manel|||0000-0002-2855-7340, Espinal, M. Teresa|||0000-0002-8079-7253
Tipo de documento: artigo
Data de publicação:2023
País:España
Recursos:Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
Repositório:Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB
Idioma:inglês
OAI Identifier:oai:ddd.uab.cat:273222
Acesso em linha:https://ddd.uab.cat/record/273222
https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1068058
Access Level:Acceso aberto
Palavra-chave:Expletive voice
Anticausatives
Semantic redundancy
Greek
Experimental results
Descrição
Resumo:This paper provides experimental evidence in support of the view that Greek does not have three productive morphological classes of anticausative verbs, but only two: the class of verbs that bear non-active voice morphology and the class of verbs that are morphologically active. Across two experiments, native Greek speakers are found to prefer for each anticausative verb either non-active or active voice morphological marking, in the presence or absence of explicit contextual information. It is also shown experimentally that native speakers prefer an interpretation that involves a specific cause for all anticausatives, especially when the existence of such a cause is favored by the contextual setting. Our empirical findings are consistent with the view that the Voice Phrase that is realized as non-active voice morphology in Greek anticausatives is expletive. From a theoretical perspective, we analyze the expletiveness of this Voice projection as the result of semantic redundancy: the Voice head of Greek anticausatives combines with a v head that encodes a redundant cause meaning component and is, therefore, interpreted merely as introducing an identity function.