Durational aspects of tautosyllabic vowel nasalization in (Brazilian) Portuguese: An airflow investigatio

This study investigates coarticulatory effects caused by the following consonant – either a stop or a fricative – on the duration of the oral and the nasalized portion of the nasal vowel and the nasal murmur in sequences within Portuguese words like tensa [ˈtẽsɐ] ‘tense’ versus tenta [ˈtẽtɐ] ‘(s/he)...

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Detalhes bibliográficos
Autor: Rui Rothe-Neves
Formato: artículo
Estado:Versión publicada
Fecha de publicación:2021
País:Brasil
Recursos:Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG)
Repositorio:Repositório Institucional da UFMG
Idioma:inglés
OAI Identifier:oai:repositorio.ufmg.br:1843/58387
Acesso em linha:https://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.236
http://hdl.handle.net/1843/58387
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8896-8862
Access Level:acceso abierto
Palavra-chave:Phonetics
Experimental phonology
Brazilian Portuguese
Vowel nasality
Nasalidade (Fonetica)
Língua portuguesa - Fonética
Língua portuguesa - Fonologia
Língua portuguesa - Vogais
Descrição
Resumo:This study investigates coarticulatory effects caused by the following consonant – either a stop or a fricative – on the duration of the oral and the nasalized portion of the nasal vowel and the nasal murmur in sequences within Portuguese words like tensa [ˈtẽsɐ] ‘tense’ versus tenta [ˈtẽtɐ] ‘(s/he) tries.’ The results replicate previous observations that duration adjustments affect the vowel’s nasalized portion, as is the case for languages in which the speaker intends nasalization. The second hypothesis is that adjustments in duration as a function of the following onset do not affect the nasalization duration, but only the timing of a nasal gesture relatively constant in duration. Results show that irrespective of the following consonant ([s] or [t]), nasalization remains constant in duration. However, a shorter nasal murmur or a more extended postnasal consonantal oral portion does not follow more extended vowel nasalization. As the entire VNC sequence increases on an individual basis, so does the nasalization. Still, increasing nasalization comes at a cost for the duration of the oral part of the vowel irrespective of [s, t]. These results are compatible with that speaking rate influences coordination timing between the beginning of the vowel and the beginning of nasalization.